Vučić Survives Serbia’s Largest Protest in History as Students Free Citizens from Fear of the Regime

Last night, according to claims by Serbian media, the largest protests in the history of Belgrade and Serbia took place. Estimates suggest that ninety thousand and a half a million people were on the streets. After another protest, Serbia finds itself where it has always been—President Aleksandar Vučić retains the power to govern the country as he sees fit, while the number of dissatisfied citizens ready to resist continues to grow.

Photo: Crowd gathers in protest near the National Assembly building in Belgrade.

The state of political emergency in Serbia, with brief interruptions, has persisted since the Belgrade nationalist elite decided to dismantle Yugoslavia in the late 1980s. Even when the situation in Serbia was at a satisfactory level, the authorities never missed an opportunity to change it, to find an enemy, or to create a crisis at home or in the neighborhood.

The new wave of emergency began a little less than five months ago, when a roof collapsed at the Novi Sad railway station. Vučić then presented himself as the person responsible for everything happening in Serbia, even though students demanded that institutions, not the leader, do their job.

Belgrade Protests

Last night's gathering in Belgrade was the culmination of the students' struggle after months of protests in several cities and after they marched across almost the entire country to free it from fear of the repressive regime. Many expected this protest to end in a major clash with Vučić's supporters and security forces. But that did not happen. At the first signs of force being used, the students halted the protests and urged citizens to disperse, stating that this was no longer their protest.

Many Serbian media outlets and protest participants claim that a "sound cannon" was used. Emitting powerful noise, the device causes pain, panic reactions, and forces people to move away from the protest site. In many countries, the device is banned because it can cause permanent damage, such as hearing loss.

At a press conference held after the protest, Vučić denied that law enforcement used the device and accused the demonstrators of violence, claiming they attacked his supporters in front of the Presidency of Serbia building, among whom were former members of the notorious Red Berets. He said that some would be prosecuted for this and would pay for the damage they caused, including to tractors deployed around the camp where his supporters had stayed for days.

Vučić stated that 56 people were slightly injured last night and that 22 people were arrested. In addition to claims, for which he provided no evidence, that foreign forces seeking a "color revolution" and the overthrow of his government were behind the protests, Vučić acknowledged that the protest was large and that he understood the message from the citizens.

Student Success and the State of the Opposition

There is no doubt that Vučić understood the message, as he carefully monitored everything. The students sparked a kind of popular uprising. On their march to Belgrade, they were joined by farmers, educators, bikers, military veterans, and many others.

This is a rebellion of people who have lived for more than a decade in a country where Vučić, as president and prime minister, has repeatedly stepped outside all constitutional and legal frameworks. The students' success is even greater because they did not have the support of any major power, while Vučić enjoyed Western backing.

The Archive of Public Gatherings organization estimated that between 275,000 and 325,000 people attended last night's protests, with the possibility of the number being even higher, as people gathered across Belgrade, making it impossible to determine an exact count. If we consider that the last census in Serbia in 2013 showed that the average household in the country has 2.55 members, this means that the students alone mobilized around a million voters around a political stance.

This fantastic success in mobilizing citizens is even more impressive given that Serbia has been in a media blackout for years, violence against dissenters is almost tolerated, and elections there have been widely criticized as irregular. In addition to the alleged use of the so-called "sound cannon," media reports indicate that Serbia has purchased Chinese surveillance cameras with facial recognition technology and Israeli spyware to monitor journalists, activists, and the opposition...

Vučić did not yield to the students' demands. It was illusory to expect him to hand over power out of fear of peaceful citizens. Moreover, he repeatedly stated that they would have to kill him to get a "transitional government," which, logically, would prepare Serbia for elections, although the students did not demand this.

By halting the mass protest in Belgrade, the students sent a message to the opposition that it must lead the rebellion. Given the state of the opposition, Vučić can be content. The opposition, with its divisions and poor choice of leaders, will not win. In other words, changes must occur within the opposition, or Vučić will remain the only significant political figure in Serbia. Peaceful gatherings of citizens do not mean much to Vučić, and the impression is that he would not step down even if all of Serbia's residents took to the streets.

Nevertheless, the students have shaken Vučić and the Serbian Progressive Party. A large number of people have overcome their fear of the authorities, as could be seen across Serbia. This is an important fact, considering that the opposition in Belgrade has managed to somewhat counter Vučić, but this has not been the case in the rest of Serbia. The largest opposition parties are almost non-existent in many parts of the country.

Through their protests and proclamations, the students have outlined a political program, and surveys show that over eighty percent of Serbian citizens support them. This opens the door for someone to take up that program and, with acceptable candidates, push for elections preceded by changes to electoral conditions. If this does not happen quickly, this great popular uprising could be extinguished like some previous ones.

On the other hand, Vučić now has two options. The first is to continue his current policy of constantly creating enemies and crises, and the second is to change his policy both within Serbia and beyond its borders. The fatigue from such a policy was evident in Belgrade, even though many battles have been fought far from the city.

This article was previously published on nap.ba.

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